本文目录
- 皇帝的家人介绍(英文)
- 舞动人生观后感,要英文的~
- 帮忙找以下Beetle的英文介绍！！！万分感谢
- 狂求表示心情的英语形容词
- 美国独立战争的影响用英文写的!!拜托了 求求了!!
- 救命啊，谁帮我写一片英语的雾都孤儿的读后感啊500字的
- 关于环境犯罪的英文文献
皇帝的家人介绍(英文)
The imperial family was made up of the emperor as the head and the empress (皇后) as the primary consort and Mother of the Nation (国母). In addition, the emperor had a series of other consorts and concubines (妃嫔) divided in a system of ranks who made up the harem, of which the empress was the leader. Every dynasty had its set of rules regarding the numerical make up of the harem. During the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), for example, imperial convention dictated that at any given time there should be one Empress, one Huang Guifei, two Guifei, four fei and six pin, in addition to an unlimited number of other consorts and concubines. Although the emperor had the highest status by law, by tradition and precedent the mother of the emperor, i.e., the Empress Dowager (皇太后), usually received the greatest respect in the palace and was the decision maker in most family affairs, and at times, especially when a young emperor was on the throne, became the de facto ruler. The emperor’s children, the princes (王子) and princesses (公主), were often referred to by their order of birth, e.g., Eldest Prince, Third Princess, etc. The princes were often given titles of peerage once they reached adulthood. The emperor’s brothers and uncles served in court by law, with the status of any other court official (子), and the emperor was always elevated above them despite any chronological or generational superiority.
舞动人生观后感,要英文的~
1）Tyler Gage (Channing Tatum) is a hip street dancer with attitude and a weakness for breaking and entering. Nabbed while trashing a school of arts, he’s sentenced to perform his community service there. Pretty ballet dancer Nora (Jenna Dewan), meanwhile, is desperate to find a new dance partner, but all the candidates are wimps. Hmmm, where could she find a strong, manly man who’s easy on the eye and light on his feet? Like many films in the romance/dance genre, ‘Step Up’ makes a virtue of its predictability, setting the stage for a dream scenario and fulfilling the wishes of its young audience. But while Tatum has rough charm, Dewan is more dancer than actress, and most of the peripheral characters – as they would put it – suck (Rachel Griffiths almost visibly grits her teeth throughout her dull turn as school principal). Several dance scenes are fantastic, but with its wooden dialogue and pedestrian plotting, this is more ‘Save the Last Dance’ than ‘Footloose’.2）Somewhere in between “Fame“ and “DeGrassi High“ is Step Up, a teen dance flick that dares to go where many have gone before. The movie doesn’t offer anything we haven’t seen, but it doesn’t fall flat on its face either. Watered down Save The Last Dance meets Take the Lead sans Antonion Banderas’ charm, it’s a movie that teenage dancers and hip hop lovers can embrace. The rest of us can sit back and tolerate the mediocre drama while taking in the dazzling dance numbers. Tyler Gage (Channing Tatum) is a product of the foster care system of Baltimore, Maryland. He’s never had much to hold on to and his talent for dancing is wasted on late night, back street parties. A penchant for petty crime lands him doing community service at the Maryland School of Art, an eclectic place where the next K Fed might be found dancing and mixing tracks across the hall from the next Yo Yo Ma. While serving out his hours as an assistant janitor at the school, he crosses paths with Nora (Jenna Dewan), a dance student. Her senior performance piece has hit the rocks and desperation drives her to take on Tyler as a partner. At first her traditional dance style and his street moves grate against each other like nails on chalkboard. With a little understanding, though, they blend their styles into a whole new dance routine. Add in Nora’s dancer/singer friend Lucy (Drew Sidora), fellow student and master music mixer Miles (Mario) and by their powers combined they are one hot dance number. Split them apart however and things get a little rickety. Dewan and Tatum share the kind of chemistry that only a teenage girl could buy into, much less love. When the friends are shuffled into various dramatic combinations, the acting degrades into the stuff of the old Saturday morning specials. To the movie’s credit, the situations the characters find themselves in lead to valuable, if not predictable, life lessons. The feel good moments are built in and help, in part, to save the floundering drama. Step Up relies far too heavily on character types we’ve seen before. If this is your first foray into the realm of teen dance dramas you might not notice, but otherwise expect it to be a little annoying. From Nora’s stuck-up, pop idolish boyfriend to Tyler’s troublemaking best friend, right down to the tag along, begging-to-be-killed-in-a-drive-by-shooting little brother, the movie is crammed full of people and scenarios borrowed shamelessly from other films. The adult characters are by far the worst, but given the movie’s target audience it no doubt pays to keep the grown-ups as stereotypical as possible. The worst part about these pseudo-stock characters is how easy it is to guess what their part is in the story. It’s kind of hard to be shocked by or scared for them when you’ve got a pretty good idea of what their going to do next and how things are going to work out. Long time choreographer and first time director Anne Fletcher seems a little lost her first time behind the camera. While her eye for choreography produces some impressive dance sequences (some that even wander into the Bollywood realm), her movie regularly loses momentum and at times gets downright tedious. For someone who has a lot of experience with movement, she seems to struggle to keep her film moving towards its final destination. To the movie’s credit, it doesn’t pander to the current popularity of Channing Tatum’s “hotness“. She’s The Man had the teen and tween girl demographics aflutter with the actor’s naked chest. He may not offer much in the way of a strong performance in this movie, but I give Fletcher credit for keeping Tatum’s shirt on throughout the entire film. The girls may be disappointed with that choice, but there’s plenty of him and the rest of his twenty-something cast mates students gyrating to hip hop to keep the My Space gang smiling. 3)In the world of the dance movie, life is stripped down to the honesty of bodies in motion and a rhythm-dictated intimacy that can’t be denied. There’s usually a class factor, a competitive element, a disapproving authority figure, or perhaps all three. Step Up — Fame on Beat Street, played against the grim West Bawlmer canvas of The Wire — tips its backward ball cap to those elements. (Indeed, the core story has been recycled by writer Duane Adler from his own Save the Last Dance.) But Step, under the sure hand of director-choreographer Anne Fletcher, quickly discovers its own virtuoso charms. Two of them are its leads: Channing Tatum as budding criminal Tyler — all slot eyes and thug shrugs until he hits the dance floor — and Jenna Dewan as Nora, a rich kid shooting for that elusive chance to dance. The meet-cute: When Nora’s partner is injured, Tyler, who’s trudging through some court-ordered janitorial work, convinces her he can sub. But Step doesn’t dwell on class-crossed romance: It’s more concerned with the pirouetting mini-betrayals and miracle catches of partnership. Tatum has a bracing rectangular naturalness and easy chemistry with the lithe Dewan, on the floor and off. Their dance styles never really jell, and the movie is lazy-vague on the actual art form, privileging will over skill. But the pair is fused by the film’s pulsing energy, which is both sincere and irresistible. 给你找了3篇
帮忙找以下Beetle的英文介绍！！！万分感谢
Volkswagen’s Beetle?THE HISTORY OF THE BEETLEThe history of the Beetle started in 1934 when in the Hall of Berlin Adolf Hitler announced that the car had not to be an exclusive privilege of the rich. To Ferdinand Porsche, defined by him as “the most famous designer of all time“, he entrusted the assignment to construct the Volkswagen (the people’s car); and he did not limit himself just to the definition of the name, but dictated also terms about the peculiarities thet it had to have (speed, consumption, price, etc...).In ’36 the first 3 prototypes were ready (two sedans and one cabriolet) so that, a little bit later, Hitler entrusted the task to find out the suitable place to build up the factory of the future Beetle .The place was located in a vaste zone of the Low Sassonia, in the surroundings of the castle of Wolfsburg of Earl Von Schulenberg, who was dispossessed of his land.In ’38 it took place the ceremony of the laying of the foundation stone of that factory which became (and it is still) the biggest car factory of automobiles in the world.The name chosen for the future Beetle was KDF Wagen (Kraft Durch Freude Wagen), that is “Car of the force by means of joy“It is no use saying that Porsche tried to set himself against such name, but the choice came from Hitler personally, and there was nothing to do.In ’39 the KDF-Wagen officially appeared at the Hall of Berlin and it was such a modern and revolutionary car to make the competitors look like nothing (see Technique).In September ’39 the Second World War began and the civil production of the Beetle was converted in military production; that had much importance for the future of the Beetle because on account of the war it had to sustain the hardest test which no other car had ever been submitted before (and today).And it got off very well: in any climatic condition (from torrid Africa to icy Russia) and in any sort of ground (in the mud, in the sand and the snow) the Beetle never stopped indeed.In this period the KÜBELWAGEN (car “made like a bucket“, built in many versions), and the SCHWIMMWAGEN (car “which could swim“, be able to achieve the speed of 10 Km/h in the water), and many other military models were built.In May ’45 the war was over and it remained up only the third part of the factory of Wolfsburg, seriously damaged by the bombardment.They thought to demolish it, but thanks, above all, to the Major Ivan Hirst (who it had been trusted to) the English changed their mind and, some years later, gave it back to the Germans, entrusting the task to manage it to Heinz Nordhoff.In the meantime the workers, with the last materials saved from the bombardment, had laboriously started building the Beetle again, but the production had very low levels.And it was just Nordhoff to do the “miracle“: from a few hundred cars produced in ’46 the productions went to 19.000 in the ’48 and 46.000 in the ’49 in a continuous and exponential growth which slowed down only in the middle seventies.In that period of time, many technical improvements were continuously introduced, however without never touching the original look and formulation of Porsche’s project.And with regard to Porsche: where was he?Porsche was prisoner in France even accused by Pierre Peugeot of war crimes (while it seems that Porsche himself had helped him, preventing that he was arrested by the Gestapo).In ’47 he was declared innocent and was set free, but he could go back to Germany only in ’49.It seems that during his homecoming, seeing many Beetles along the motorways, he was moved nearly to tears.He died on 30 January 1951 without being able to know what “incredible career“ his Beetle would have made in future.In those years the exports began in other countries : Holland, Denmark, Luxembourg, Sweden, Belgium, Switzerland and United States.In ’53 the Brazilian production started with the affiliated firm “Volkswagen of Brasil“ and the “Volkswagen of America“ was built too; in ’64 another overseas branch was built, the “Volkswagen de Mexico“, and in ’66 a factory opened in South Africa too.In ’55 the millionth Beetle was built and, for that occasion, it was made in gold metalized colour, with brocade seats and embellishments in little glass pearls on the chromizings.In the meantime in all the Countries where the Beetle was constructed or exported the sales grew constantly: in Italy in ’63, 42.000 Beetles were registered and in America who wished to buy it, had to wait up to 5 months.In ’67 the look of the Beetle was remarkably modified: the headlight became round and vertical, the bumpers squared and increased , the tail lights magnified and the electrical system was strengthened (from 6 to 12 Volt).Even in ’70 there was an important newness: in fact, the Super Beetle (mod.1302 and 1302/S) was born.Substantial differences regarded the appearance (a front hood more “plumper“) and the mechanics (McPherson front chassis and rear axle with double flexible shafts) that were further modified in ’73 with the Super Beetle mod.1303 (curved anterior glass and new dash-board stuffing).As it was already said, in the course of the years improvements never gave up, and it is interesting to notice that they were almost always ahead of their time and, therefore, destined to set a fashion; like the water resistant sun roof cover in PVC (1955), the tubeless tyres (1957) or the acrylic painting rather than the nitro painting (1949).Besides, in confirmation of the reached reliability and of the high qualitative standards as about the used material as the assembly lines, it is important to notice that already in ’54 the running in time was eliminated.Since ’74, periodically, special series were built in a limited number, which had very particular inner fittings and colourations.The Jeans, the City, the Big, the Special Bug, the Fioriserie, the Winter, the Samtrot, the Silver Bug were built, and in ’87, in order to celebrate the 50th year since its birth, the last one of the series was born, considered the best by the most: the Beetle of the Jubilee (Jubiläums-käfer).It was metalized grey and it had athermic, blue-tinted windshield, printed steel sports rims, the steering wheel of the Golf GTI and greys inners with strip of several tonalities.In the middle seventies sales began to decrease and in ’74 they decided to move the Beetle production from Wolfsburg to Emden in order to make place to the new car: the Golf.In the ’78 the European production definitively stopped and the Beetle continued being built only in Mexico, from where it was imported in Europe.In ’76 the Super Beetle sedan building stopped, and it will be built only in the cabriolet version, but only until 1980. Recently also the production in Mexico has been stopped, anyway the Beetle is not likely to disappear from the roads of our planet: great part of the 22 million of models built cover Km and Km every day along the roads all over the world, asking in exchange only a little bit of oil and petrol.And their owners are sure of one thing: if they love it and they treat it well, “he“ will never betray them.
狂求表示心情的英语形容词
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美国独立战争的影响用英文写的!!拜托了 求求了!!
By their very nature, civil wars leave open wounds and unsettled scores behind. Despite the recently rejuvenated notion that the Civil War of 1861–65 created modern America, the legacy is far more ambiguous and complex. The war stifled the Confederacy’s bid for national independence and destroyed the institution of slavery upon which it rested. The ensuing peace—specifically, the Radical Reconstruction crafted by the Republican Party—reunited the nation economically and politically, yet did so on terms that not just the defeated Confederates came to resent. Small wonder that each generation has assessed the war through the prism of its own central political concerns.The veterans from both sides were the first and probably the most partisan revisionists. On some points they found near unanimity: Northern veterans believed they had saved the Union and given a new birth to freedom; Confederate veterans believed they had fought nobly for independence and might well have prevailed had their resources not given out. But both argued endlessly over the specifics.The legions of popular and academic authors who have studied the war have discerned no clearer pattern of grand truths from the clutter of documented facts. Moreover, today, thousands of ordinary citizens not only retrace the soldiers’ steps literally across preserved battlefields but claim expertise about the war as they do for no other event in U.S. history. Partly because of and partly in spite of such interest, attempting to understand the long‐term impact of the Civil War has produced as much conflict as consensus.From a strictly military standpoint, the war appears to many historians as the first modern war. A technological explosion around midcentury accounted for such innovations as rifled small arms and ordnance, armor‐plated steam vessels, and primitive machine guns and submarines. Corresponding changes in transportation and communications helped make the Civil War more like World War I than Napoleonic warfare. Yet old‐fashioned tactics retained grisly currency, and both armies depended upon animal power—mules for supply and horses for tactical mobility—to the very end. Clearly, this was a transitional time wherein elements of the old and the new were mixed.In its unprecedented requirements for men and goods, the Civil War called forth novel administrative skills and structures. The Confederate central government took a commanding role in these affairs, largely due to the comparatively underdeveloped industrial and transportation infrastructure in the plantation states before the war. Although the U.S. government in Washington increased dramatically in size, and expenditures during Abraham Lincoln’s presidency surpassed those of all his predecessors combined, Northern officials relied upon conventional market mechanisms and the lure of profits rather than coercion to meet their need for supplies. Whereas early in the war, bureaucrats with extensive administrative experience—such as Edwin M. Stanton, whom Lincoln appointed secretary of war—were in short supply, the crucible of war quickly changed that.From the standpoint of manpower, both sides departed sharply from precedent in resorting to conscription to replenish their ranks. Precisely because conscription was so European a practice, Americans had abhorred it from the time of the Revolutionary War. Citizens of the Confederate states, who endured the draft a year before their Yankee counterparts did, also suffered levies upon food, wagons, work animals, and other militarily useful supplies. Although Northerners escaped such material tolls and their demoralizing consequences, they found much to criticize in the draft of men. The New York City anti‐draft riots of July 1863 epitomized the opposition. Even apart from the disturbances that it produced, the Union’s draft worked poorly. As a result, the military‐run, undemocratic conscription served largely as a negative example for the future.The North’s other major overture toward filling the ranks, the recruitment of African Americans in the military, left a much more significant legacy. This policy reflected the North’s commitment to destroying slavery, as best expressed in the Emancipation Proclamation of 1 January 1863. Besides its grant of freedom to slaves in the Confederate states, the proclamation also provided for the wholesale incorporation of black men into the Union army.Like most other innovations of the Civil War years, the legacy of this mobilization was mixed. On the negative side of the ledger, African American soldiers endured separate and unequal treatment to the end. When the demographics of demobilization dictated that they would play a major role in occupying the defeated South, Washington forestalled that opportunity by assigning black regulars to positions along the Atlantic coast and the border with Mexico, far removed from possible contact with former slaves. And for their part, black sailors soon found themselves again subjected to the prewar quota system (5% of total enlistments) and consigned systematically to the ratings of cook and steward.On the positive side of the ledger, African Americans won a permanent—though neither undisputed nor uncheckered—place in the armed forces of the reunited nation. The all‐black 24th and 25th Infantry and 9th and 10th Cavalry Regiments (the fabled “Buffalo” Soldiers) created a legacy of loyalty and sacrifice that persisted well into the twentieth century. Even more important, the service of nearly 200,000 black soldiers and sailors—the overwhelming majority of whom were former slaves—established a claim for citizenship rights that the nation attempted to satisfy in the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution. Participation by former slaves in the political life of the ex‐Confederate states followed. Affiliation with the Republican Party, the party of Lincoln, persisted among black voters until the 1930s. Union army veterans played an important part in this allegiance.The war conferred a similarly mixed legacy upon the officer corps of the army and the navy. Although most volunteer officers returned to civilian life after the war, men who opted for continued service encountered considerable frustration. Reduced from their inflated if temporary (brevet) rank to the more prosaic regular rank in the shrunken regular army, officers faced an abundance of boredom and danger but little glory on the western frontier. Naval officers likewise languished in the smaller postwar navy, often spending years at the same grade with little hope of promotion in a fleet a mere shadow of its wartime counterpart. In part because of their isolation from civilian life, officers in both branches cultivated a strong sense of professionalism. Postwar military school systems helped the officer corps regain the collective confidence it had enjoyed at the end of the Civil War.Scholars have assessed the impact of the war on the national government variously over the years. Early studies stressed the transformation of the prewar state of limited constitutional authority into a powerful centralized government, which the metamorphosis of “the United States” from a plural to a singular construction neatly captures. During the past generation, social scientists from various disciplines have examined the Civil War from the standpoint of state formation. Often they employ a comparative method that likens the process of national consolidation in the United States with that in late nineteenth‐century Germany, Italy, Japan, and Brazil. Whereas some scholars take the approach that centralized bureaucratic states are the functional byproducts of industrial society, most insist that historically specific considerations determine the evolution of the state in relation to society. From the latter perspective, the Civil War presents a treasure trove of insights.With nearly monopolistic control over the wartime government in Washington, the Republican Party enacted pivotal measures regarding homesteads, banking and the currency, education, railroads, and the freed slaves. But even in such circumstances, policymakers found it easier to prosecute military victory than to secure the peace. Amid increasingly rancorous debate, congressional Republicans seized the Reconstruction process from President Andrew Johnson, guaranteed the freedom and citizenship of the former slaves, and imposed temporary military rule on the South. Obstinate opposition from white southerners coupled with growing disenchantment among white northerners soon fragmented the Republican coalition. Party moderates backed away from guaranteeing citizenship rights, from supporting the elected Republican governments in the former Confederate states, and from radically transforming the southern economy. Content in the knowledge that the South (like the West) was subject to the economic dominion of the Northeast, Washington acquiesced in southern “home rule.” Former Confederate soldiers led the way in forcibly removing freedmen from public life.If students of the late nineteenth‐century South tend to view the consequences of the war as devastating to the regional economy, students of the national economy show far less unanimity over the effects of the Civil War. Some seventy years ago, historians Charles R. and Mary A. Beard (1927) declared that the war constituted “The Second American Revolution,” which removed southern agrarians from national power and thereby made possible the industrial transformation of the nation after 1865. Historians who have examined this thesis using assorted interpretive frameworks and techniques have reached no firm consensus. Whereas some would confirm the Beards’ assertion that the war ushered in the industrial transformation, others perceive it as a retardant force. Given the accelerating pace of industrialization before the war, the critics argue, the war in fact slowed development, largely due to the diversion of human and material resources. Yet statistics of economic performance do not tell the whole tale.The true measure of the war’s economic impact lies in its consolidation of federal dominion over the North Amer ican landmass the United States had accumulated during the first half of the nineteenth century. Just as reconstructing the South was key to this objective—even if remaking the southern economy along demonstrably northern lines was of secondary importance—controlling the Indians of the Great Plains figured prominently in the larger scheme. Although the wartime and postwar conflicts between Anglo‐Americans and Native Americans grew out of grievances present in such encounters from the seventeenth century onward, there were many new factors in the equation.Aside from the growing desire of white homesteaders and prospectors for access to Indian lands, railroad interests laden with federal land grants increased the demand. Missionaries and officials of the Bureau of Indian Affairs made strong overtures on behalf of “civilizing the savages,” all of which strengthened the federal commitment to confining each tribe to a specific reservation (and by 1887 produced the Dawes Severalty Act and the fixation with individual land allotments). Civil War politics further complicated the mix, the most famous instances being the “disloyalty” of the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory and the violent rebellions undertaken by the Sioux on the northern plains and the Comanches in the southwest desert. When in the late 1860s, Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman and Gen. Philip H. Sheridan set out to subdue the Indians’ resistance to federal authority, they took full advantage of the new weaponry and means of transportation that the Civil War had proven. Their use of the new tactics of unconditional surrender—winter campaigns, making war on women and children, and destroying villages and crops in the Plains Indians Wars forced the Native Americans to succumb.In sum, the Civil War has left a mixed, even contentious, legacy in the different sections of the nation and among the different sectors of the population. Moreover, as each generation born since the war has found—alternately to its delight and its dismay—that legacy is not fixed and immutable. Instead, it is subject to reinterpretation. Perhaps the recurrent controversy that surrounds the public display of the Confederate battle flag best illustrates a key interpretive insight: though struggles over the legacy of the war may degenerate into mere skirmishes or escalate into full‐scale wars, their guns, unlike those of 1861–65, will never fall completely silent.BibliographyCharles A. and Mary R. Beard, The Rise of American Civilization, 2 vols., 1927.Jay Luvaas, The Military Legacy of the Civil War, 1959.Emory M. Thomas, The Confederacy as a Revolutionary Experience, 1971.Robert M. Utley, Frontier Regulars: The United States Army and the Indian, 1866–1890, 1973.Ira Berlin, Joseph P. Reidy, and Leslie S. Rowland, eds., The Black Military Experience, 1982.Edward Hagerman, The American Civil War and the Origins of Modern Warfare, 1988.Philip Shaw Paludan, “A People’s Contest”: The Union and Civil War, 1861–1865, 1988.Richard Franklin Bensel, Yankee Leviathan: The Origins of Central State Authority in American, 1859–1877, 1990.Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States, 1992
救命啊，谁帮我写一片英语的雾都孤儿的读后感啊500字的
参考一：《雾都孤儿》是本世界名著，它讲述的是发生在19世纪的一个动人的故事。 书中的主人翁奥利弗·特威斯特是一个孤儿，他出生在济贫院，出生不久他的妈妈就死了。后来，他被当作一件物品被送来送去，受尽折磨，直到最后遇到一位善良的布朗洛老先生，这位先生收留了他，从此过上了好的生活。 读完这本书，我的心情久久不能平静。可怜的奥利弗在已经失去亲人的痛苦下，受了这么多折磨。真不知道在他瘦弱的身体下，有着怎样的意志，能使他坚持不懈，使他在饥饿、寒冷、孤独下顽强斗争，向美好的生活前进。 最令我感动的是奥利弗遇到强盗集团的那段经历。奥利费在路上走上了七天七夜，饥饿难忍，疲倦不堪。他遇到杰克一个小偷。杰克把奥利弗带到了贼窝，小偷们想把奥利弗训练成一个小偷。但奥利弗受尽折磨也不愿意，逃了出来。读到这，我心中油然而生敬佩之情。他只有10岁，和我差不多大，可他的坚强、勇敢、正义是我们难以相比的！奥利弗承受着痛苦，宁愿过着流浪的生活，也不愿意成为一个小偷。他对美好生活的向往，对生命的向往，是支持他前进的力量。 与奥利弗相比较，我们生活的多幸福，可还是不满足，常常抱怨生活。在目标追求上，也是一遇到小小的困难，就放弃了，缺少意志力。现在，世界上还有许多的孩子正承受着巨大的痛苦，正和饥饿、孤独、寒冷作战。他们多么向往美好的生活。我们能视而不见吗？我们要珍惜现有学习条件，刻苦读书学习，让自己成长为一个对社会有用的人，这样我们才能够有能力去帮助这些孩子，让他们和我们一样拥有灿烂阳光般的美好生活。 参考二：雾都孤儿这本世界名著讲述了一个动人的故事。书中主人翁是一位孤儿，他的名字叫奥利弗特威斯特。他出生于济贫院，出生不久妈妈就死了。他被当作一件物品送来送去，受尽折磨。他最后遇到了一位善良的老先生；布郎罗先生，这位先生好心收留了他，他过上了好的生活。可好景不长，奥利弗不幸在次身陷贼窟，赛克斯胁迫他参加一次远征行窃，最后失败了，挣扎在死亡线上，还是梅里夫人救了奥利弗并且好心收留了他。经过一段时间，奥利弗过上了幸福的生活。 读完这本书，我心中久久不能平息。可怜的奥利弗，在已经失去家人的痛苦下还受到这么多折磨。真不知道他瘦弱的躯体下，有着怎样的意志，能使他坚持不懈，使他在饥饿、寒冷、孤独、痛苦下顽强的斗争，向美好生活前进！ 我们生活在密罐里，福窝里，却总是抱怨，总是不满足。但我们可曾经想过，在世界上，还有多少孩子，正承受着巨大的痛苦；正在和饥饿、疾病作战；正面对着失去亲人，漂泊流浪的生活。他们充满着对生命的渴望，对生命的热爱，可是苦难和他们作对。所以，我们现在要珍惜自己的幸福，用我们的双手和大脑，做一个对祖国有用的人，来回报社会。
关于环境犯罪的英文文献
Environmental crime preventionEnvironmental crime prevention encompasses a range of substantive considerations. It must deal with acts and omissions that are already criminalised and prohibited, such as illegal fishing or illegal dumping of toxic waste. It must also come to grips with events that have yet to be designated officially as ’harmful’ but which show evidence of exhibiting potentially negative consequences. Environmental crime prevention likewise has to negotiate different types of harms, as these affect humans, local and global environments, and non-human animals. The aims and objectives of environmental crime prevention are inseparable from eco-philosophy. That is, what it is we are trying to prevent is linked to how we view human interests, the needs and requirements of specific biospheres, and the rights of non-human animals (White 2007a; White 2008). Environmental crime prevention also therefore encapsulates particular visions of ’the good society’. Crime prevention of any type always has ramifications for the kind of world within which we live, and the balance we make between liberty and social control (Sutton, Cherney & White 2008). For example, a strong ecological stance could well justify the prohibition of people from going into any wilderness area whatsoever, on the basis of preventing human interference in such areas. Whether alternatives are possible or should be made available is exactly what the political deliberations over crime prevention would have to address. The answer depends upon the specific vision - the perceived relationship between ’nature’, society and animals - which is seen as ideal at any particular point in time. If humans are allowed into wilderness areas, then the next question is under what conditions. To prevent possible environmental harm perpetrated by humans in these areas, rules and regulations are needed (e.g. on burying human waste, on taking litter out of the areas with you as you go). Creative architecture and strategic planning can also ameliorate the impact of humans. For example, boardwalks and well-marked pathways can channel human traffic in certain directions and through certain areas. Providing toilets and lookouts might draw tourists and bushwalkers into particular settings and thus away from more pristine wilderness locations. Once general decisions are made about the nature-human interface, provisions can be introduced to prevent or minimise damage. Theoretically, good environmental crime prevention should be as inclusive of human, environmental and animal interests as much as possible. To achieve this, we need to be clear as to what ’crime prevention’ is actually intended to do. Balancing diverse human and non-human interests still means assigning some type of ’value’ to the potential harm. Consider oil for example: is environmental crime prevention best served by ensuring that oil tankers are shipshape and tightly regulated in transporting oil? This would ensure a moderate quantity of harm minimisation. Or, should we eliminate the threat of oil spill by banning oil tankers outright? This would entail harm eradication. Clearly the type and extent of environmental crime prevention will be dictated by notions of human self-interest, as well as potential threats to environments, animals and livelihoods.One mandate of green criminology is to foster greater attention, analysis and action regarding environmental harm. From the perspective of environmental crime prevention, the tasks are both instrumental and symbolic. We want to implement strategies to protect certain peoples, places and wildlife. At the same time, we want to signal to the community as a whole that this particular issue is significant and that it expresses collective values about ’what counts’. For example, the establishment of ’green zones’ in the Great Barrier Reef Marine Park is important, not only because it excludes certain areas from human interaction, but also because it sends a strong message that ecological wellbeing does count in human calculations of marine interests. The choice of words is important, as is publicity surrounding these protected areas. To label certain areas ’green’ implies natural and unspoiled; the word ’zone’ connotes an area with clearly defined boundaries and purpose.One of the key lessons from conventional crime prevention is that it should be based largely on a problem-solving, rather than policy-prescribed, model of intervention. Different types of places lend themselves to different types of environmental harm. Some issues are of a planetary scale (e.g. global warming) and others regional (e.g. oceans and fisheries). Some are national in geographical location (e.g. droughts in Australia) while others are local (e.g. specific oil spills). Perceptions and consciousness of harm are linked in part to the proximity of human habitation to the sources of harm. A toxic spill in the middle of a major city, or contamination of a major waterway, is more likely to capture public attention and government action than something that happens in a remote wilderness area or offshore. Different types of harm likewise tend to call for different types of responses. For example, generally speaking, environmental issues can be categorised according to three different types of harm (White 2005). ’Brown’ issues tend to be defined in terms of urban life and pollution (e.g. air quality), ’green’ issues relate mainly to wilderness areas and conservation matters (e.g. logging practices), and ’white’ issues refer to science laboratories and the impact of new technologies (e.g. genetically modified organisms). Conceptualising environmental issues in this way helps demonstrate the link between environmental action (usually involving distinct community and environmental groups) and particular sites (e.g. urban centres, wilderness areas, coastal regions). Some issues resonate more than others with the public; other issues generally only emerge if an accident or disaster brings it to the fore. This also affects the flow of resources to specific types of crime prevention endeavour. A problem-solving approach to crime prevention demands a certain level of specificity. General pronouncements about the nature of harm need to be accompanied by particular site or harm analysis. To illustrate how this might occur, we can consider the issue of illegal fishing. Before doing so, it is important to note that fishing - both legal and illegal - is associated with a wide range of potentially harmful activity (White 2007b). Legal fishing, such as aquaculture and the ’scientific’ harvesting of whales, can engender great harm. The distinction between legal and illegal may not be the best way to conceptualise harm or responses to harm. Illegal fishingFor the sake of simplicity, this paper will only consider instances of illegal fishing. Even so, there are major variations in the specific nature of that illegality. Consider, for example, the following types of illegal fishing (White 2007b):commercial fishing, which involves catches in excess of quota, false declarations and destruction of bycatch linked to marine pollution recreational fishing, which involves unlicensed fishing and fishing in excess of quota Indigenous fishing, which may involve fishing in traditional but foreign waters and fishing without a permit large-scale illegal fishing, which also involves overexploitation of particular species such as sharks specialist illegal fishing, which is designed to exploit endangered species for private fish collections or medicinal purposes. Different scales, motivations and techniques underpin these types of illegal fishing. Environmental crime prevention has to address the specific nature of the phenomenon in question if it is to be appropriate to the circumstances. Different types of illegality require different types of responses, as they have quite different origins. Conventional crime prevention emphasises the importance of undertaking scoping analysis before developing an intervention plan (Sutton, Cherney & White 2008). For example, it is useful to assess the key relationships and agencies involved in shaping targets, places and offending as they occur in a marine environment (e.g. fisheries management, marine park authorities, customs, navy, consumers). While general patterns of illegal fishing can be determined in this way, the structural or underpinning reasons for different types of illegal fishing still require close analysis. Indigenous or traditional fishing provides some indication of the complexities of the issues. The first question to ask in considering traditional fishing - legal or illegal - is what is actually meant by the word ’traditional’. This can refer to different aspects of traditional fishing, such as:who specifically (Indigenous Australian, Indigenous Indonesian, Papua New Guinean, Torres Strait Islander) how specifically (methods, techniques and technologies) where specifically (traditional fisheries for particular coastal groups). Conflicts can arise when modern technologies are used for what used to be simply subsistence fishing. The use of motorboats, nets and fishing rods, and sonar equipment allows for overexploitation to occur. Overexploitation of resources may be due to employment of new technologies, perceptions of resources being boundless and where management is believed to be beyond human control (Caughley, Bomford & McNee 1996). Moreover, overexploitation may be generated in the new methods of production themselves. For example, the mobility, range and efficiency of traditional fishing are all enhanced through modern methods and technologies. Conversely, these technologies generate the need for cash to supplement subsistence, e.g. buying the boat and petrol for the boat. The net effect is pressure to fish beyond immediate consumption needs.Conflicts can also occur with different notions of ’sustainability’ and encroachment by other people into traditional fishing areas (Caughley, Bomford & McNee 1996). Different perceptions of sustainability translate into different purposes and scales of operation. For example, in an international context, traditional fishers are usually associated with small-scale fisheries that are labour-intensive and economically fragile (Hauck 2007). Large-scale commercial fisheries and large-scale illegal fishing operations put these traditional fishers in a perilous position. Not only are these large-scale operations export-oriented, but also the scale of fishing itself tends to put pressure on fishing stocks. Overfishing in some waters has immediate and dire consequences for local traditional fishers, as fish is part of their staple diet. Moreover, overfishing in one place causes movement of large-scale fisheries and traditional fishers to other locations, thus impinging upon traditional rights and traditional owners in these areas. Conflict may occur not only between trawler operators and traditional fishers, but also among traditional fishers as they are forced further from their own traditional fishing waters to sustain a liveable catch. Thus, the problem is not simply one of noncompliance on the part of small-scale fishers (e.g. Indonesian fishers in Australian defined waters), but of food security and the reliance on increasingly declining fish stocks for survival. Hence, from a crime prevention perspective, a compliance approach will not work, as it does not address the diversity of issues that may be influencing non-compliant behaviour (Hauck 2007).The complexities of traditional fishing are also manifest in the fact that a continuum exists between commercial and traditional fishing. Traditional fishing today often has an interface with the cash economy: fish to eat, and fish to sell to subsist (Altman, Bek & Roach 1996; Caughley, Bomford & McNee 1996). One issue, mentioned above, is whether the activities of commercial (and indeed recreational) fishers adversely affect subsistence resources of traditional communities. Another issue is to what extent these communities must themselves rely upon commercialised fishing to gain sufficient subsistence resources. The former requires ’external’ controls of some kind to dissuade overfishing and illegal fishing. These might include monitoring and surveillance, as well as moral persuasion, to desist from harmful behaviour. The latter might be responded to by employing incentive measures. An example of what this might look like is provided in a Canadian initiative:In Canada, the Income Security Program (ISP) established for Cree hunters in north Quebec provides guaranteed income to allow the Cree to hunt. With the ISP, production is linked to people’s need and there is no incentive to overexploit wildlife resources. Indeed there is a voluntary decrease in hunting in overused areas, and other wildlife conservation practices such as monitoring the numbers of certain game are recognised as hunting-related work under the ISP (Altman, Bek & Roach 1996).Another type of incentive is to involve Indigenous people directly in co-management of the resource. In this approach, Indigenous fishing rights consist not only of a claim to a share of the harvest, but also a stake in the conservation and management of the resources. So, the right to fish can be regulated, but Indigenous people should be part of that regulation.What this discussion of traditional fishing illustrates is the complexities of the issues and the need for thorough analysis before developing crime prevention options. Different types of fishing activities require different responses. While incentives might be crucial to forestalling illegal fishing by Indonesian traditional fishers in Australian waters, trade-related regulation would be more appropriate as a means to deal with large-scale illegal fishing (Lack 2007). In other instances, a variety of situational measures can be applied that have a distinct marine application (Smith & Anderson 2004). We can envisage a wide range of techniques, approaches and strategies to environmental crime prevention regarding illegal fishing. While suggestive of possible interventions, drawing from such a list only makes sense and ’works’ when put into specific fishing contexts. Studies of particular types of illegal fishing - such as abalone, lobster and toothfish - show great variation in motives, techniques, local cultures and scale of operation (Anderson & McCusker 2005; Lugten 2005; McMullan & Perrier 2002; Tailby & Gant 2002). As argued throughout this paper, the specificity of the harm should drive the type of intervention. In turn, this requires close analysis of the multiple facets of each type of harmful activity. ConclusionThis paper concludes by briefly highlighting a few issues that confront criminologists in trying to understand environmental issues. In considering these, it is pertinent to consider the types of skills, capacities and organisational relationships needed if we are to prevent environmental harm.Defining the problemThe question of how to define the problem is an intractable and necessary part of the development of environmental crime prevention. Many areas of harm to humans, the environment and non-human animals are presently not criminalised. This includes such destructive, degrading and dehumanising practices as clear-felling of old-growth forests, reliance upon battery hen egg and poultry production, and use of depleted uranium in weapons. From an analytical perspective, conceptualisation of harm should not rely upon the distinction between legal and illegal per se, especially as some of the world’s most environmentally disastrous practices are still legal. Environmental crime prevention may entail the exposure of negative, degrading and hazardous practices as a prelude to the banning or close control of such practices. New concepts of harm, as informed by ecological sciences and environmental values, will inevitably be developed as part of this process. For example, an ecological perspective on planetary wellbeing looks at the world in terms of climate change, biodiversity and waste/pollution (UNEP 2007). Human activities covering these domains contribute to environmental deterioration, and are detrimental to specific humans, non-human animals and ecological systems. Criminalisation and regulation of such behaviour is crucial if ecological values are to prevail. Prevention and precautionUncertainties surrounding future impacts and consequences mean that debate will occur over when preventative measures need to be introduced as a precautionary measure. The politics of ecological sustainability will collide with the interests of economic growth, as greater adherence to the precautionary principle will almost always lead to curtailment of existing profit-making enterprises. Environmental crime prevention must be forward-looking if human, biosphere and non-human interests are to be protected in the future. This means implementing interventions now to guarantee environmental wellbeing later. For example, a study of lobster poaching in Canada found a complex underground economy, with alliances between outlaw poachers, hotels, restaurants, community groups and private citizens. This was in a social environment in which the taking of lobster was seen as the natural right (and yearly ritual) of locals (McMullan & Perrier 2002). A futures orientation means grappling with such entrenched practices through innovative thinking at both a policy and grounded intervention level. Different opinions over future consequences can also mean that those who take action now (such as protesting) for the sake of future generations may be criminalised in the present. But the history of law reform is built precisely upon such tensions.